Osorgin biography briefly. Mikhail Andreevich Osoring

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Mikhail Andreevich Osorgin (1878 – 1942)

Osorgin's childhood 1878, 7 (October 19) Born in Perm. Father - Ilyin Andrey Fedorovich (presumably 1833–1891), a small-scale hereditary nobleman. Mother - Elena Aleksandrovna Savina (died in 1905) 1888–1897 studied at the Perm classical gymnasium

In 1897 Mikhail Andreevich entered the Faculty of Law of Moscow University. He later wrote with great warmth about his first Moscow impressions, and about the semi-impoverished life in the student quarter in the Bronnaya Streets area, and about university lectures, where “they taught how to be people, not attorneys and pharmacists.” After graduating from university in 1902, he began his legal work in Moscow. Mikhail Andreevich received the title of assistant sworn attorney of the Moscow Court Chamber, sworn attorney in the commercial court, guardian in the orphanage courts, was a legal adviser to the Society of Merchant Clerks, and a member of the Society for the Care of the Poor.

1905 Social Revolutionary One of the organizers of the All-Russian Union of Journalists and comrade of the chairman of the Moscow branch of the Writers' Union. Participant in the preparation of the Moscow armed uprising. Arrest (by mistake, confused with a namesake). Taganskaya prison, six months in solitary confinement awaiting a death sentence. Death of mother from anxiety.

Osorgin spoke modestly about his revolutionary activities: he was “an insignificant pawn, an ordinary excited intellectual, more of a spectator than a participant”; “More than myself, my apartment took an active part in the revolution of the fifth year.” “On one side I joined the party, but was the smallest spoke in its chariot,” he recalled with humor, “I wrote and edited various appeals. revolution

May 1906 Gendarmerie sentenced to five years of exile. Release on bail by an investigator who did not know about it. Escape to Finland, then to Italy.

Italy Osorgin settled in the town of Sori near Genoa, where an emigrant commune arose in the Villa Maria. After existing for about two years, the commune disintegrated. Osorgin moved away from emigrant circles and again found himself in the opposition. Italy for Osorgin was not a museum, but became alive and close.

In 1916, saying goodbye to Italy, Osorgin wrote: “Even if the skies of Italy, its seas and beaches are forgotten, there will remain a grateful memory of the simple, kind, selfless and grateful people whom I met everywhere<...>And where did they get this friendliness and subtlety of communication, this attentive approach to someone else’s emotional distress that is not always understandable to them?”

A regular correspondent for the Russkie Vedomosti newspaper, Osorgin chronicled the life of Italy from issue to issue. Talking about big and small events in the country, he published more than four hundred articles and feuilletons. He considered the most significant series of articles about high-profile trials, the Italo-Turkish War, Slavic lands, the Balkan War of 1912, and modern Italian literature.

He collaborated a lot in the journal "Bulletin of Europe", wrote the book "Essays on Modern Italy", chapters on Italy for the "History of Our Time", published by the Granat brothers. Osorgin was involved in organizing excursions for public teachers (more than three thousand of them visited Italy in those years). He himself traveled a lot ("The cities of Italy were my rooms: Rome - a study, Florence - a library, Venice - a living room, Naples - a terrace from which such a beautiful view opened", traveled all over Europe without a passport or visas, and was twice in the Balkans .

Return to Russia In 1916, through France, England, Norway, Sweden and Finland, Osorgin arrived in Petrograd. He was not arrested; the intercession of the authoritative State Duma deputy V.A. Maklakov and simply the confusion of the police in the pre-revolutionary months also played a role. Still, he lived in a semi-legal situation, which did not stop him from going on a trip along the Volga from Moscow, visiting Perm at the opening of the university, and going to the Western Front. Osorgin continued his collaboration in Russkie Vedomosti. His article "Smoke of the Fatherland" sparked a flood of letters from readers welcoming his return.

February Revolution The February Revolution found Osorgin in Moscow. “I remember the moment of turning point,” he recalled, “in the vast courtyard of the Spassky barracks in Moscow, where a crowd came; the soldiers’ rifles were shaking in their hands, the officer did not dare give the command. A blank volley hit us in the chest, just as bullets could have hit us. "The same day the human river along Tverskaya Street is a day of general radiance, red bows, the beginning of a new life. In essence, only this day was glorious and pure."

“The Security Department and Its Secrets” Osorgin took part in the analysis of materials from the Moscow secret police, and in 1917 he published the book “The Security Department and Its Secrets.” And although he soon left this work, the sore mark on his soul remained for a long time. Let us remember the Narodnaya Volya member Danilov, one of the heroes of “The Book of Ends,” who spent the rest of his life in the archives of the secret police, where, in search of a petition for pardon that he once wrote, he “swimmed in a sea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe greatest mud, raked mountains of sewage with his hands, learned a lot about many, what and it was impossible to guess what would be enough to forever lose faith in human decency"

The book “From a Little House,” written in 1917-1919, testified to the moments of despair he experienced. In the chapter about October, entitled “Ga ira - a symphony,” Blok’s image of a soldier with a girl appears. The soldier has stupid and kind eyes, a snub-nosed girl sings a song, but it seems impossible for Osorgin to love them: “They are scary to me, a soldier with a girl.” He cannot forget about another soldier, who beat the beat of a song about two friends with the handle of a machine gun: “Here Foma has gone to the bottom, and Yerema has been there for a long time." The thought of Russia, where “some stray bullet fired by an October machine gunner has gotten lost and is flying,” where “there is no way to live without this bullet threatening you,” will appear more than once in his articles, and then will end up on the pages of the novel “Sivtsev Enemy."

After the revolution In the first post-revolutionary years, M.A. Osorgin was the first chairman of the All-Russian Union of Journalists, a comrade of the chairman of the Moscow branch of the Writers' Union, the first charter of the Union was written jointly by M.A. Osorgin and M.O. Gershenzon.

Bookstore When the private periodical press was liquidated in August 1918, “a group of writers, united by ties of long-standing friendship and work in “Monday,” decided to found a small bookstore and “run it exclusively on their own, in order to be near the book and without enslaving service, to have an extra chance not to die of hunger." Such work was unusual, but it saved “from the prospect of dancing to the official tune,” for the independent Osorgin this consideration was decisive.

A group of shareholders arose, which included art critic P. P. Muratov, poet V. F. Khodasevich, young prose writer A. S. Yakovlev, literary historian, translator and researcher of Balzac’s work B. A. Griftsov, later they were joined by B. K Zaitsev, who “packed books disgustingly and talked charmingly with customers,” philosopher N. A. Berdyaev, historian A. K. Dzhivelegov. However, the main person in the shop, according to contemporaries, was M.A. Osorgin.

Osorgin recalled: “Life became more complicated and threw a whole series of old libraries onto the market, which we bought up, trying to give our brother the writer and scientists the maximum payment.” But the Writers' Book Shop had, of course, no commercial significance; it was an important living literary social center. “We had philosophical and literary debates behind the counters, in which regular customers also took part,” wrote Osorgin. “It was cramped, smoky from the stove, warm from felt boots, cold to the fingers from books, fun from the presence of living people and pleasant from consciousness that our work is both curious and useful, and the only one that is not official, living, our own."

“Princess Turandot” While working in the shop, Osorgin collected an exceptionally valuable library of Russian books about Italy; he translated a lot from Italian: plays by C. Goldoni, L. Pirandello, L. Chiarelli. At the request of E. B. Vakhtangov, he translated the play by C. Gozzi “Princess Turandot”, which was a huge success in this translation.

All-Russian Committee for Famine Relief One of the most difficult pages of Osorgin's Moscow life is the story of his participation in the All-Russian Committee for Famine Relief, which existed for just over a month. However, it was precisely this short-lived activity that became the cause of another tragic turning point in the writer’s fate.

The Famine Relief Committee, “relying only on the moral authority of those who formed it,” managed to quickly unite people; it enjoyed the trust and support of both the Russian public and foreign organizations: “A few days were enough for trains of potatoes, tons of rye, carts to go to the starving provinces.” vegetables from the center and Siberia,<...>money flowed into the coffers of the public Committee from everywhere, which they did not want to give to the official Committee.”

Arrest Osorgin edited the committee's newspaper "Help", but managed to publish only three issues. The work of the committee was interrupted by the sudden arrest of its members at the end of August 1921. They were charged with political charges, which were formulated very vaguely.

The role of V.I. Lenin in the defeat of Pomgol Letters from V.I. Lenin indicate that the committee, which he disparagingly called “Kukish” (after the names of Kuskova and Kishkin), was doomed even before its official creation. Lenin saw the activity of committee members as a threat of counter-revolution, and his point of view was supported by many prominent party figures.

Kazan Osorgin, who was completely ill, was sent into exile in Tsarevokokshaisk (now Yoshkar-Ola), but he was unable to get there. They were allowed to stay in Kazan. And although he was considered a “counter-revolutionary” and was subjected to searches, he still found interesting things to do there: he was involved in setting up a bookstore, edited the Literary Newspaper (without signing and hiding his participation in it), and was a frequent guest at Kazan University.

Before his deportation in the spring of 1922, Osorgin was allowed to return to Moscow. "Last thing Russian summer"he spent in the village of Barvikha, Zvenigorod district. Seeing a car with security officers near his hut, he disappeared, got to Moscow, spent several days in a hospital that belonged to his friend, but, seeing no way out, he himself went to the Lubyanka. There the verdict was announced to him: deportation with the obligation to leave the RSFSR within a week, and in case of non-compliance - capital punishment. They were expelled for three years, a longer period was not allowed, but with a verbal explanation: “That is forever." At parting, the investigator suggested once again filling out the next questionnaire. To her first question: “How do you feel about Soviet power?” Osorgin replied: “With surprise.”

Reasons for the expulsion Osorgin did not know what the reasons for the expulsion were. Specific reasons were not needed. Osorgin wrote: “The investigator, who was entrusted with the case of the expulsion of representatives of the intelligentsia, who interrogated us all about all sorts of nonsense, someone asked: “What are the motives for our expulsion?” He answered frankly and sweetly: “The devil knows why they they are expelling!" last summer They even spent 1922 together at the dacha). About Berdyaev and other participants in the collection “Oswald Spengler and the Decline of Europe,” Lenin wrote to N.P. Gorbunov on March 5, 1922: “This looks like a “literary cover for a White Guard organization.”

Not only for Osorgin, for many of those deported, all their thoughts, plans, and works were inextricably linked with Russia; departure was a tragedy. Lives were broken - it seemed then - with senseless cruelty. In the days of autumn 1922 there was only pain, resentment, despair. About the last moments, when the “sailing shore of Russia” was still visible, Osorgin wrote: “An amazingly strange feeling in my soul! As if, when she is here, before our eyes, it’s not so scary for her, but if you let her wander around the world, everything is possible.” happen, you won't notice. And I'm not her nanny, just like she's not a very loving mother to me. It's very sad at this moment." The shore disappeared, and, joining his companions - fellow sufferers, Osorgin proposed a toast: "To the happiness of Russia , who threw us out!"

Abroad, Osorgin spent the winter in Berlin. In the fall of 1923 he left for Paris. Mikhail Andreevich retained Soviet citizenship and a Soviet passport until 1937, when a sharp conversation and break took place at the Soviet consulate. He has lived the last five years without any passport.

“Sivtsev Vrazhek” Osorgin’s first novel “Sivtsev Vrazhek” (1928) was published in France and brought the writer world fame. Immediately after its release, it was translated into major European languages, including Slavic. He had great success in America, where English translation was awarded Book club special prize as the best novel of the month (1930).

M.A. Osorgin - writer Well known for his articles and essays to Russian pre-revolutionary society, as a prose writer Osorgin made his mark precisely in emigration. And almost all of his books are about Russia: the novels “Sivtsev Vrazhek” (1928), “Witness of History” (1932), “The Book of Ends” (1935) and peculiar memoir books written in a free poetic manner, where lyrical outpourings turn into genre ones episodes or reflections on life and fate - “Things of Man” (1929), “Miracle on the Lake” (1931), and finally “The Times” (1955). Abroad, Osorgin continued his journalistic activities, collaborating in “Days”, “ Latest news", "Modern Notes", etc.

Osorgin about Russia “That huge land and that multi-tribal people, to whom I gave the name of homeland in gratitude for the feelings born and for the structure of my thoughts, for the grief and joy I experienced, cannot be taken away from me in any way, neither by purchase, nor by sale, nor conquest, nor expulsion of me - nothing, no way, never. There is no such power and there cannot be. Does your tree love green leaves? It’s just that he, only connected with him, belongs only to him. And while he is connected, while he is green, while he is alive, he must believe in his native tree. Otherwise, what to believe in? Otherwise, how can we live?”

Nobleman, officer Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin, who died in the Solovetsky camps in the fall of 1929.

Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin was born on October 12, 1893 into an aristocratic family of hereditary Russian nobles, in the village of Sergievskoye, Kaluga province - the Osorgins' family estate. The Osorgins are prominent representatives of the conservative part of the landowner nobility, for whom unyielding hostility to Bolshevism and devotion to the monarchy remained throughout their lives. Georgy Osorgin, like other children in the family, was brought up in an atmosphere of patriarchal family traditions and unconditional love for the Tsar and the Fatherland. Deep religiosity and monarchical beliefs turned out to be a decisive factor in the fateful milestones of his bright, complex, but so short life.

In 1912, Georgy Osorgin graduated from the Kaluga Classical Gymnasium and entered the Faculty of Law of Moscow University. In 1914, with beginning of the first World War, he, without finishing his studies at the University, entered the accelerated officer courses of the Nikolaev Cavalry School in St. Petersburg. On October 1, 1914, at the school he was promoted to the rank of ensign of the Life Guards Horse Grenadier Regiment. At the front in the Novgorod province, until August 1915 he served with the marching squadron of the regiment - he was in charge of the management of the Sanitary Train No. 36 of the noble organization of the Land Union, and until October 1917 he was in the Life Guards Volyn Infantry Regiment. In the last days of October, with the collapse of the regiment, with the rank of staff captain, he went to the rear with documents of the ranks of the Moscow detachment sent to the reserve. In Kaluga, in the rear militia, as a former officer, he was exempted from further military service for health reasons - due to a heart defect. Until the fall of 1918, he lived with his family (with elderly parents and sisters) in Sergievsky. On September 9, 1918, the Osorgin family was evicted from the estate by order of the county Land Department. All lands and buildings were transferred to the workers' agricultural commune, the property was confiscated, and the manor house was plundered. The Osorgins family moved to the Samarins in the village of Izmalkovo, Kozlovsky volost, and Sergievskoye was renamed Koltsovo by the Bolsheviks in 1919.

For three years, Georgy was supported by his parents - Mikhail Mikhailovich and Elizaveta Nikolaevna, and sisters: Maria, Ulyana and Antonina. The sisters helped him as best they could - they gave paid lessons to local children, and the peasants of Sergievsky supplied them with food for several years. But all this time the family lived in hope that the Bolshevik government would soon collapse and the old days would return.

Fate dealt the first blow to George on September 25, 1921. He was arrested and placed in Investigative Case No. 11557, opened on September 26 against a group of people accused of participating in a counter-revolutionary organization. The reason for this was brief meetings with fellow soldiers and a visit to the Bobrinsky house in Moscow. During the investigation, Georgy Osorgin was kept in solitary confinement cell No. 17 in the Internal Prison of the Cheka. During interrogations, he completely denied his relationship to any counter-revolutionary organization. Having been brought up on the old regime principles of honor and officer’s dignity, Georgy, without thinking about the consequences, during interrogations openly spoke about his political views and attitude towards Bolshevism: “... I cannot sympathize with the Soviet government, in my views I would be more aligned with the Octobrists, but the message is absolute monarchy , ... the communists, in the person of Kamenev, Lebedev, ... managed to instill fear in the commanding staff, therefore, being your opponent, I did not enter the Soviet service ... ". Such testimony caused the investigators to have a corresponding attitude towards the arrested nobleman and officer of the Tsarist Army. Already on October 10, 1921, an employee of the Cheka, investigator N. Demidenko, issued a resolution: “Gr. Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin is accused of underground counter-revolutionary work among groups seeking to overthrow the Soviet government... until the end of the investigation and judicial review of the case, choose detention in the internal prison of the Cheka.”

While in prison for two months under investigation, on December 7, 1921, Osorgin wrote a Statement addressed to the assistant to the Head of the 16th Special Department of the Cheka V.V. Ulrich, in which he quite boldly and straightforwardly states: “... I have no crime from the point of view of Soviet power, and if I can be accused of anything, then only of professing principles directly opposite to the principles of Soviet power...”. Misunderstanding of the situation, ignorance of the goals and objectives of the Cheka during this period and an open statement about the attitude towards Soviet power led to the fact that a month later - on January 5, 1922, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Cheka, a sentence was passed on G.M. Osorgin, S.L. Michurin . etc. The extract from the Minutes of the meeting says: “Resolved: Osorgina G.M. imprisoned in a concentration camp for a period of 3 years, reducing the term of imprisonment under the amnesty to 1 ½ years.”

On January 7, 1922, G. M. Osorgin was transferred from the Internal Prison of the Cheka to the Novo-Peskovsky concentration camp in Moscow. In the spring of 1922, a reform was carried out in the punitive structures and the Cheka was reorganized into the GPU. Osorgin G.M. During this time, he submitted three Applications to the leadership of the Cheka and the GPU “indicating the complete discrepancy between the verdict and the material that the investigation provided,” but they remained unanswered.

On September 13, 1922, he again submitted a statement, but to the Presidium of the GPU, while temporarily in Moscow not in Novo-Peskovsky, but in the Pokrovsky concentration camp. In his Application, he petitioned for the pre-trial detention to be counted towards the sentence and early release, in accordance with existing laws.

Georgy writes his next statement to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on September 28, 1922, asking for a review of the Case and his release as a matter of urgency. This document in the materials of the Novo-Peskovsky Camp was registered under No. 5735 dated September 29, 1922. Taking into account the political situation in the country and a number of amnesties being carried out at that time, the statements of Osorgin G.M. have had their effect. At a meeting of the GPU Collegium on December 26, 1922, they heard a report from Comrade. Kholshevnikov on the Resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of December 16, 1922 No. 14256/Ch-6 in Case No. 28602 of Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin, convicted on January 5, 1922 by the All-Russian Cheka to 1 year 6 months. imprisonment, detention in the Novo-Peskovsky concentration camp (entrance No. 17724). They decided to release him."

Six months under investigation and a year of detention in a concentration camp left an indelible mark on George’s soul. When he returned to Izmalkovo, already on December 31, 1922, in a letter to his uncle Grigory Trubetskoy in Paris, he writes: “... I now set myself two tasks: 1) moving the family from the Izmailovo swamps to Moscow; 2) and what’s even scary to think about, but I dream of preparing dad, mom and girls to move to you.” In Moscow and the Moscow region, as throughout the country, hunger and unemployment spread, and there were mass arrests and evictions of “harmful” and “dangerous” elements. In his letters to his uncle in Paris, Georgy writes more and more often about the situation in the Moscow region, about his worries and moods: “... life has become depressing, not because of the constantly hanging sword of Damocles, but because there seems to be no hope for any change.”

In this dark and difficult time, a bright and joyful event for George was his marriage on October 14, 1923 to Alexandra Mikhailovna Golitsina, the great-granddaughter of the Governor General of Moscow. They got married in the Moscow Church of St. Boris and Gleb on the street. Povarskoy, and soon the temple was closed. Now he had to support not only his parents and sisters, but also his young family, including his daughter Marina, born in September 1924. During these difficult times, the Osorgins lived on funds from giving lessons, selling things, translations, and gardening. Directly, Georgy temporarily worked as an employee of the Supreme Council of National Economy as an inspector-calculator of the Economic Directorate, and as a horticulturist-forester in the forestry of the Odintsovo station, constantly in search of a permanent job. In Moscow, through his close friend Alexander Alexandrovich Raevsky and his wife Nadezhda Bogdanovna, née Baroness Mehlendorf, George was introduced to the chairman of the Nansen mission, John Gorvin, and the American concessionaire John S. Eliot. Hope to get a permanent job in the American company W.A. Harriman on the development of mines in Georgia was the reason for the meetings of Osorgin G.M. with secretary D.S. Eliot. He had no idea that all the apartments that were visited by representatives of foreign companies, as well as Soviet citizens who had contacts with them, were secretly controlled by OGPU employees.

On March 6, 1925, Mikhail Osorgin went to Novo-Peskovsky lane 13, apt. 10 to meet with secretary D.S. Eliot - Sandra Meyendorff and was detained there - an ambush was set up at her apartment by OGPU officers. Arrest and search of Osorgin G.M. on the basis of OGPU Order No. 8827 dated 03/06/1925, it was carried out by the Commissioner of the Active Branch Rumyanev. The arrest was a complete surprise for George, but he managed to leave a note for his wife: “...Now it’s your turn, my darling, to be tested. May the Lord protect you all. Pray for me and be completely calm. I don’t fear for myself for a single minute, and all my thoughts are about you, who remain. ...I baptize and pray for you, but remember that I will hold my banner high, and I demand the same from you.” He was taken to Lubyanka, where he was charged with “participation in an organization seeking to overthrow the Soviet government, acting in the direction of helping the international bourgeoisie.”

Long and frequent interrogations began. Unshakability in his views, as well as a misunderstanding of the purpose and activities of the OGPU bodies, a firm belief in his innocence and in his actions turned out to be the main reasons for Osorgin for his further life in the dungeons of the OGPU. Already on the day of his arrest, when filling out the Arrested Person’s Questionnaire No. 854 dated March 6, 1925, in the “age” column, Georgy indicates the date of birth “October 1883” and not “1893”. Group Case No. 30988 against Osorgin G.M. and others was opened on March 9, 1925, and on March 20 of the same year, assistant head of the 6th department of the KRO OGPU Demidenko N.I. issued a Resolution: “... having considered the case on charges of gr. Osorgin Georgy Mikhailovich in participation and in the organization seeking to overthrow the soviet power, acting in the direction of helping the international bourgeoisie, found that Gr-nin Osorgin Georgy Mikhailovich during the years of the revolution participated until recently in a number of counter-revolutionary organizations and groups that sought to violently overthrow the soviet power, and therefore, taking into account c. stated above, DECIDED: TO INVOLV Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin as an accused, charging him under Art. 60 and 61 of the Criminal Code and choose a measure of suppression of evasion from investigation and trial - detention.”

The case of Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin

Long two and a half months pass in the Internal Prison of the OGPU. We don’t know what they were like for Georgy, but already during interrogations in June Osorgin began to give evidence that cost him his freedom and forever separated him from his family and friends. During interrogations on June 13 and June 18, which were conducted by V.I. Denisevich - assistant to the head of the 6th department of the OGPU, Osorgin admitted that by conviction he was a monarchist and therefore “could not serve in the revolutionary army. ... in Kaluga, in the rear militia, as a former officer, he was released because of the threshold of his heart. A document was given that did not indicate the officer's rank. ... in 1918, having received a document about appearing at a collection point, he destroyed it and, having checked out of Meshchanskaya Street, moved to live in Izmalkovo, where, according to the old document, changing the year of birth in it from 1893 to 1883, he received a new document - an registration card, exempting me from conscription due to age. ... In 1921, he was arrested by the Cheka and released on December 29, 1922 ... Of my acquaintances, I can point to Alexander Alexandrovich Raevsky, whom I consider my close friend, and visited him often in Moscow. ...I still refuse to name my other acquaintances, just like the first time.”

On June 24, in the Interrogation Protocol, according to Osorgin, it was written: “According to my political convictions, I consider myself an ideological monarchist; I have never been an activist. I myself am a religious person, and if not for this, then after the execution of Emperor Nicholas II, I would have taken my own life. In December 1918, I wanted to free the sovereign from arrest; for this purpose, I decided to come from my estate to Moscow and find several guards officers who decided to go with me to Tyumen. That same month he came to Moscow and addressed several people. Of the people to whom I turned, I can name Alexei Alekseevich Brusilov, the son of former General Brusilov, as well as Sergei Sergeevich Khitrovo - both of my fellow soldiers. I received refusal from both them and others. I refuse to name the names of the others. ...In turn, I received an offer from some officers to go to the south, where the army was being organized, I refused this offer, ... considering a civil war under any circumstances to be fratricidal and a great evil. In addition, I did not consider this movement to be monarchical and I did not know a single leader of this war who was a monarchist. I had no connection with the missions and had never been there. I knew Gorvin, the chairman of the Nansen mission, and Freiman, an employee of the Latvian mission. ...for the entire period of the existence of Soviet power, I did not serve in the Red Army, considering this unacceptable for myself in view of Civil War. ...During the February and October revolutions, he did not take any part in the battles on any side. ...service in the Supreme Economic Council as an inspector-calculator - I consider such a compromise possible due to the fact that I did not believe in the impossibility of any coup. I consider any revolution in the current situation to be tantamount to the enslavement of Russia both economically and politically by foreigners - a situation with which I can never and could not reconcile. … My attitude towards the White armies is negative, which is evident from my refusal to serve there...” The June confessions served as the reason for bringing him on July 8, 1925 as an accused and under Article 81-g of the Criminal Code - concealment of his date of birth and officer rank, as well as evasion of conscription for compulsory military service in the Red Army.

August 8, 1925 Assistant Head of the 6th Department of the KRO OGPU V.I. Denisevich issued an indictment: “... having considered case No. 30988 on charges of gr.gr. Osorgin Georgy Mikhailovich, arrested on March 6, 1925 under Art. 60, 81. W.K. and Raevsky Alexander Alexandrovich, arrested on March 5, 1925 under Article 60. W.K. and held in the Internal Prison, FOUND: ...KRO OGPU, continuing the intelligence work, established a number of new facts of active criminal reform. activities of Osorgin G.M., which he kept silent about during the investigation. Based on these materials, the personality and activities of Osorgin G.M. is drawn as follows...

...according to his political convictions OSORGIN G.M. is an ideological monarchist and a fanatically religious person.

...In the same year 1918 OSORGIN G.M. moves to live in Moscow, ... Meets with his fellow soldier N.N. RIDIGER. (shot by the OGPU), who escaped from exile, gives him shelter and seeks ways to illegally transfer him abroad. He maintains contact with his cousin Sergei Evgenievich TRUBETSKY. During his arrest in the case of the National Center, he escapes from an ambush and warns General KUZNETSOVA about the impending danger and the need to destroy important personnel. documents. Conducts correspondence with relatives abroad. He himself is a devoted supporter of the monarchist movement, led by the former prince. Nikolai Nikolaevich. To the OGPU exiled abroad b.k. Trubetskoy Sergei Evgenievich, who played a major intelligence role in the Headquarters of Nikolai Nikolaevich, sends information to Paris about the combat effectiveness of the Red Army, speaking of the latter as soap bubble.

...Based on the above, the following are accused:

I/ OSORGIN Georgy Mikhailovich, 32 years old, originally from Kaluga province, Sergievskaya volost, village. Sergiev, married, former nobleman-landowner, former headquarters captain of the Life Guards Horse Guards Regiment in that:

1. being an ideological monarchist-activist, a supporter of the restoration of the monarchy, he avoided serving in the Red Army, falsified the year of his birth in the document from 1893-1883 and hides his officer rank, which is why he is exempt from it;
2. In 1918, he comes from his estate to Moscow and recruits officers from the guard, with the goal of releasing Nicholas II from arrest;
3. During the arrest of his cousin b.kn. S.E. TRUBETSKOY, in the case of the National Center, flees from an ambush in order to fulfill the request of the arrested person - to warn General KUZNETSOVA (her husband was shot) about the danger that threatened her;
4. In 1923 OSORGIN G.M. hides in his apartment a member of a monarchist foreign organization, the chief headquarters captain of the Life Guards Horse Guards Regiment - N.N. RIDIGER. (shot by the OGPU), who escaped from a concentration camp, and also arranges for him shelter with his friends and acquaintances. Supplies RIDIGER N.N. money and indicates persons who can provide him with documents for illegal transfer abroad;
5. In 1924, knowing about the existence of a lyceum monarchist organization in Leningrad and about the arrests made there, he came to A.A. RAEVSKY. and warns him of the danger that threatens him;
6. Until the moment of his arrest, he was in connection with foreign missions in the person of the Secretary of the Latmission FREIMAN and the Secretary of the English Mission BERBERY, using these acquaintances in for purposes;
7. He is a member of the monarchical organization headed by b. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, and in 1924, through an unknown person, offers him his services to carry out any terrorist attack over the leaders of the revolution. In the same way, he receives a response from b.v.k. from abroad. Nikolai Nikolaevich “WAIT”;
8. In 1924 he sent his cousin b. book Sergei Evgenievich Trubetskoy, one of the intelligence leaders of Nikolai Nikolaevich’s Headquarters, information about the state of the Red Army and indicates the need to shift the center of gravity of monarchical work to the village;
9. Associated with persons standing in head of the groups that we are currently developing;

These crimes are provided for in Art. 81 paragraph “G” and 60 art. Criminal Code. Taking into account all of the above, I WOULD: File a petition with the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR for permission to hear Case No. 30988 at the Judicial Session of the OGPU Collegium.”

Only two months later, on October 12, 1925, out of court (according to the Resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR dated September 16, 1925), at a meeting of the OGPU Collegium, the Case was considered and a sentence was passed on G.M. Osorgin. An extract from the protocol says: “Georgy Mikhailovich OSORGIN is to be shot, with replacement by imprisonment in a concentration camp for a period of TEN /10/ years, counting the term of imprisonment from 03/06/1925.”

Such a verdict was a blow not only for George himself, but also for his young wife. Already on October 19, Alexandra Mikhailovna writes a Statement addressed to the Prosecutor of the Republic R.P. Katanyan: “I ask you to allow my husband Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin, who is held in the Internal Prison of the OGPU and was sentenced to 10 years in concentration on October 12. camp, serve his sentence in the working corridor of Butyrka prison. My husband is a man of poor health with chronic degeneration of the heart and incessant interruptions and is completely unsuited to difficult living conditions or physical labor. Regarding this, I present a copy of the certificate of Dr. Schwartz, issued back in 1921, and 2 certificates of Dr. Kraevsky and Prof. Pletnev, who treated my husband in 1924. In addition, after 7.5 months of pre-trial detention without a visit, which in itself is a serious punishment, I ask that the fate of my husband be mitigated by leaving him in prison so that I can see him weekly, as well as the elderly his parents, who will not live to see his return. I ask you to pay your favorable attention to my request and not to send my husband away from Moscow, especially since winter is approaching and I do not have the means to provide him with clothes and provisions and do not have the opportunity to go to see him in the camp, since on my hands of a young child. Alexandra Osorgina. October 19, 1925 Moscow. Attached are 3 medical certificates.” In the upper left corner of this document there is a barely readable inscription - a resolution: “for consideration... Leave... punishments in Butyrka prison. 21.10." Alexandra Mikhailovna Osorgina, like many representatives of the nobility and upper classes in these difficult and terrible times, were naive in their actions, short-sighted in their intentions, guided only by personal desires and needs. The petition to change the place of deprivation of liberty from a camp to a prison is a frank decision only of personal desires and complete ignorance of the difficulties that were in store for her husband on the basis of this petition. On the basis of this petition, Georgy was transferred from the Internal Prison to Butyrskaya, where Prison Case No. 13 was opened against him and he was ordered to be kept in cell No. 8. Here he spent a long two and a half years: the Butyrskaya cell for 24 people - “counter” and work in prison library as a book peddler to the cells. Happy moments in the first months of prison for Georgy were frequent visits with his wife. Alexandra Mikhailovna was given permission for one-time visits almost every week.

Staying in Butyrka prison could not but affect Osorgin’s emotional state. His letters to his family and relatives are permeated with deep love and endless and piercing longing for the past, and the pathos of describing pictures of the past reaches the point of cowardly sentimentality. The severity of his prison life increased in the fall of 1927, when he was denied amnesty several times: “Inform Osorgin that the application of the Amnesty to him has been lifted until the next time...”; “from the list attached to the memo of the Special Commissioner at the OGPU COLLEGE No. 2314 dated 12/07/27 and received in Butyrka prison upon the order of the II prison department of the OGPU dated ... 1927 No. 294826, on persons convicted by the OGPU, whose sentence was reduced by one third following the application of the amnesty of November 6, 1927. P. 165 Osorgin Georgy Mikhailovich. ... exclude ... Osorgina G.M. from the list”; “...who will be informed additionally about the application of the amnesty. ... Announce against receipt to Osorgin G.M. that the amnesty applied to him to reduce his sentence has been canceled and he will be informed additionally about the new application.” In addition, Osorgin already had two arrests behind him, the Novo-Peskovsky concentration camp, and now faced a long ten-year sentence in Butyrka prison.

At the beginning of 1928, in this prison, fate brought Osorgin together with Oleg Volkov, a representative of an old St. Petersburg family. They had a lot in common in their traditions. family life, and education, the attitude of parents to the general situation in the country. Oleg’s father, Vasily Alexandrovich, did not want to hear about going abroad since 1918, he hoped for “unforeseen circumstances” and feared the loss of “his native place, the dear Russian land.” O.V. Volkov, having been under investigation for four months, was transferred to Butyrka prison, where he was admitted to the prison hospital. Georgy Osorgin, as a bookseller at the prison library, also visited the infirmary. In his book “Plunge into Darkness,” Oleg Volkov quite accurately described George, his character and views:

“...Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin was somewhat older than me. Already in the fourteenth year, as a newly minted cornet, he distinguished himself in dashing cavalry affairs. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich personally awarded him the Cross of St. George.

Osorgin belonged to a very special breed of military man - to those former career officers who perceived their presence in the army in a knightly, medieval manner, as a kind of sublime form of serving a vassal to his overlord.

A convinced monarchist with no doubts, George was devoted to the memory of the exterminated royal family.

Sentenced to ten years, Georgy served his term in the workers' wings of Butyrka prison. His position as a librarian allowed him to carry books into the hospital ward. As if listing the titles of foreign books, he conveyed news from outside to me in French, glancing sideways at the warden who was listening attentively and stupidly to us.”

Educated legally and having experience living in a concentration camp, Georgy was really aware of the differences between the camp regime and the prison regime, assessing the state and capabilities of his health, especially since he was denied amnesties. In this regard, he began to petition higher prison authorities to transfer him to a concentration camp to further serve his sentence. It was an important and courageous decision. For several months this issue was considered by the leadership of the Prison Department and on April 27, 1928, G.M. Osorgin. Travel Open Sheet No. 13/3931 was compiled. He knew that they would send him to a camp in distant Solovki, to a harsh and harsh special prison regime. A few days before the stage on Solovki, Georgy writes his last letter from the Butyrka cell. A letter in which he says goodbye to his past happy life in Sergievsky, with childhood and youthful memories, summing up a kind of conclusion to my actions and thoughts: “...Dear Uncle Grishanchik, going over the Easters of past years in my memory, I remembered our last Easter in Sergievsky...despite the beauty and joy of the awakening nature, I could not drown out in each of us that feeling of anxiety that ached our hearts. Now someone's senselessly embittered hand again and again blasphemed our Sergievsky, now it was oppressive consciousness that our Friendly family began to fly apart. ... It was not a good time, it was difficult. And all this mental confusion, in addition to certain reasons, had, it seems to me, an even deeper, common basis: all of us, both old and young, then stood at a sharp turning point; We left behind us, unconsciously saying goodbye to him, a past full of dear, beloved memories, and some hostile, completely unknown future was vaguely depicted ahead. ...I lived a completely isolated life and worked from morning to evening in the field, I did not see, and I did not want to see anything else, it was too painful to think... For all of us there was and will not be anything better than Easter here in Sergievsky. This is not blind patriotism, because for all of us Sergievskoye served as the spiritual cradle in which everything that each of us lives and breathes was born and grew up...” This kind of “farewell” letter is permeated with the pain of loss, the sorrow of change, great love for loved ones and hopelessness for what is to come.

Medical card of Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin

Oleg Volkov wrote about these events in his book: “Once Georgy came to say goodbye. “Thank God, we managed to secure a transfer to the camp,” he said with relief. - They will send you to Solovki. To the Solovetsky Islands! Clear skies, lakes... Our shrines. What kind of land will I walk on? ...". In the last days of April 1928, Georgy Osorgin was sent to the OGPU SLON. On May 6, 1928, he arrived in Solovki - the abode of the spirit, turned by the Bolsheviks into a center of evil and cruelty, hatred and betrayal, powerlessness and fear.

In the registration card of the civil prisoner USLON OGPU Osorgina G.M. it is noted that “received from Leningrad on 05/06/1928 under document No. 13/393/ dated 04/27/, art. 60 and 81, for a period of 10 years from 03/06/25 to 03/06/35." CONDITION. An examination on June 23, 1928 determined Osorgina G.M. already the 3rd category of working ability, because A diagnosis was made - chronic rheumatism, chronic appendicitis. The years in Butyrka prison had their disastrous consequences, but in Solovki they performed an invaluable service - Osorgin was left to work at the camp infirmary of the 1st Department.

O. Volkov, remaining in the Butyrka prison, could not even think that they would meet again on distant Solovki. Already on the third day after arriving at the camp, due to health reasons, O. Volkov was sent from quarantine to the infirmary, where he met Osorgin:

“George told me fortunes. He was the clerk of the infirmary - the right hand of the chief physician Edita Fedorovna Antipina... A knowledgeable doctor, she set up her own medical unit perfectly. Efficient and punctual in military terms, Georgiy was a valuable assistant to her.

He worked with a zeal rare in the camp: his service gave him the opportunity to do a great deal of good. It’s impossible to count how much he extracted from the thirteenth – quarantine – company of priests, “former”, helpless intellectuals! He put them in the hospital, spared them from general work, and placed them in quiet corners. And, knowing how much this promotion of “contra” irritates her superiors, Edita Fedorovna invariably helped her faithful adjutant. ...George saved her - she withstood the reproaches from above. ...Wearing an old tunic and a cap, worn in a manner that betrayed him a mile away as a regular cavalryman, Georgy spent the entire day scurrying between the infirmary, companies, and administration, seeking relief, transfers, passes, and benefits. I was one of many who, thanks to his participation, happily bypassed purgatory - the long and obligatory ordeal of general work - and immediately found myself settled; began to go to “position” - as a statistician in the medical unit. Osorgin helped me settle in the monastery cell.” Working in one of the medical units of the 1st Department of the SLON OGPU, Oleg Vasilyevich had to communicate a lot with Osorgin. Therefore, in my opinion, he described quite accurately in his book spiritual qualities George: “The famous, ancient family of the Osorgins traced their genealogy back to St. Juliana. Committed family traditions, George was hereditarily a deeply religious person. And even in the Moscow way! That is, he knew and observed Orthodox rituals in all their centuries-old inviolability...” “...Sometimes George took me to Bishop Hilarion, who was settled in the Filippovskaya Hermitage, about three miles from the monastery. He was listed as a watchman there. ... Through George, Hilarion maintained contact with the will, and he came to him with news and for instructions.” At the same time, O. Volkov quite aptly described the changes in George that prison camp life imposed on him: “I suddenly saw something that I had not noticed when meeting George day after day: sharp wrinkles, deeply sunken eyes, and unsmoothed crease between the eyebrows. An endlessly tired, even haunted look. You know, my Georgy’s soul is heavy. But what endurance! He will not betray his confusion in any way, he is always even, sympathetic, and easy-going! And generous with goodness, like a darling of fate, ready to throw out the excess of his luck on others. ...George looked soberly and hopelessly at his earthly path.”

Georgy stayed in Solovki for only a year and a half. Letters from my wife and the anticipation of her arrival were consolation. In letter No. 23 (prisoners often numbered letters to their relatives) dated August 14, 1928, Alexandra (Lina) Mikhailovna reported that no more than two weeks remained before their meeting. On August 28, Georgy wrote a report addressed to the Head of the Administrative Unit of the USLON OGPU about the order to allow his wife “who arrived in Kem, to enter Solovki for the purpose of obtaining a meeting...”, and on August 30 - about permission to have a personal meeting with her. The Central Attestation Board of USLON at the regular meeting on September 1, 1928 considered a number of internal issues, where paragraph 52 - Reports of Osorgin G.M., clerk of the Central infirmary of the Medical Unit, with the 3rd category of work ability, “work and behavior are satisfactory”, but in In early September, he was denied visits. Despite the resolution on Permit No. 8905, issued to Alexandra Mikhailovna on August 24 in Moscow: “for 7 times for 1 hour in September 1928,” already on September 14, Georgy again wrote a Report in which he stated: “On September 18, the period of time allowed to me expires.” . Adm. Part of the CONDITION is a personal meeting with my wife Osorgina Alexandra Mikhailovna. I ask for your petition to extend my personal visit, motivating my request by the fact that I have been in custody since March 6, 1925, i.e. 3½ years and during all this time I saw my wife only in a prison environment at the Butyrka OGPU prison...” On September 15, his date with his wife was extended for another 10 days, and on Certificate No. 257 dated September 17, issued by Osorgina A.M., a resolution was put: “Based on the order of the Head. Adm. The USLON department's visit date has been extended until September 28, ...the date has been extended until the next ship arrives. 29/IX. of this year.” Subsequent requests for extension were denied. In total, Georgy and Alexandra could see each other for almost a month, living in the cabin of a moored ship. “During this meeting between George and Lina, their second child, Mikhail, was conceived.”

From the end of 1928, D.S. served his sentence in the camp on Solovki. Likhachev. In his memoirs, he mentions Georgy Osorgin: “Visual memory has well preserved for me the appearance and demeanor of Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin. He was of average height, blond with a beard and mustache, always carried himself in a military manner: excellent bearing, round hat slightly askew..., always cheerful, smiling, witty - this is how I remember him for the rest of my life. A joke that was later widespread in the camp was connected with him: to the question “how are you doing?”, he answered: “And the camp is com a camp,” reinterpreting the famous French expression “a la guerre comme a la guerre” (“in war as in war"). He worked as a clerk in the medical unit, and I often met him scurrying between the medical unit and the building of the SLON Administration on the pier, on the path between the Kremlin wall and the moat. He did a lot to save weak intellectuals from general work: at medical commissions he negotiated with doctors to reduce the performance group, put many in the infirmary or hired them as lekpoms (medical assistants, paramedics) ... Osorgin was a deeply religious person, he signed up for Christmas and Easter in ISCH (Information and Investigation Unit) to obtain a pass to worship in the church.” “Vladimir Yulyanovich Korolenko (nephew of Vladimir Galaktionovich Korolenko) came to Krimkab...Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin came (but rarely)...".

On March 16, 1929, Georgy Osorgin underwent a second re-examination, and he was assigned the 2nd category of working ability for 1 year. He, as before, continued to work in the medical unit, often using his position to fulfill personal interests, supporting many, many.

But one day the unexpected happened. In the days before Easter, George “delivered Communion and the mantle to the dying Vladyka Peter Zverev (Voronezh).” The camp authorities found out about this and Georgy was arrested. The Certificate compiled on May 27, 1929 in the Information and Investigation Department of the OGPU SLON and attached to the Personal File of G.M. Osorgin states: “Prisoner G.M. Osorgin. was accused in investigation No. 541 of the SLON Department, ISO, and his criminal actions were expressed in exceeding his powers as a clerk at the Central Infirmary, for which he was subjected to detention in the punishment cell of the XI R.O.E. for a period of 30 days, counting the period from the day of imprisonment.” But on June 20, M. Gorky arrived in Solovki as part of the OGPU commission, and all prisoners were released from the punishment cells. Osorgin G.M. was also released, but transferred to work in the VI department of SLON - on the island. Anzer, where he was until his wife Alexandra arrived for personal visits.

In August 1929, a high-profile internal case No. 747/1 was launched in the Solovetsky camps - the Case of preventing an attempted mass escape of prisoners. Employees of the Information and Investigation Department SLON OGPU developed a secret operation for a successful report to Moscow on the fight against escapes. The operation was launched on August 31, 1929 on the basis of “information material on intelligence case No. 1 about a group armed escape being prepared... to begin investigative proceedings.” Employee of the Information and Investigative Unit for servicing the SLON OGPU Zaldat I.P. On the same date, Sleddel Resolution No. 747 was signed: “to accept the present case for proceedings and begin the preliminary investigation.” The following Resolution dated September 11, 1929 contained: “Based on the materials of the investigation No. 747, it was revealed that in the spring of 1929, an organization was formed in the 1st, and now IV, Branch of SLON, the purpose of which was to disarm the Security Detachment, seize weapons and warehouses , radio, air lines, steamships and with prisoners under Articles 1, cross to the mainland and make their way to Finland and China, begin the fight against the USSR;... Involve the above-mentioned prisoners as defendants in investigation No. 747, charging them under Art. 58 clause 11 what to announce to them against receipt.” The list of the Resolution lists forty-three prisoners; Georgy Osorgin is not on it. During this period he was on the island. Anzere. It was September 1929. The operation to “prevent escape” was gaining momentum, arrests were taking place at all camp points, including mainland business trips. And Georgy was awaiting the second arrival of his wife. She came for the last meeting with Georgiy - she was given permission for two weeks - until October 13th. This visit was special - they celebrated George’s 36th birthday together. Alexandra Mikhailovna subsequently recalled this visit for many years: “... those days were the happiest for both of them during the entire time of their short married life. ... They dreamed: four years have passed since Georgy’s arrest, which means that in six years he will be released, ... they will be sent into exile somewhere, there they will live together and be happy.”

The operation, developed within the leadership of the Solovetsky camps, resolved not so much reporting issues as issues of “cleansing” the prison population. Those categories of prisoners who were “ballast” for the camp in the new economic situation were primarily subject to arrests and further repression: low-power and weak prisoners, as well as regular “refusers” from work - a malicious criminal element. Prisoners were also arrested - former officers of the Tsarist and White armies - as particularly dangerous counter-revolutionary elements and prisoners with whose hands this operation was carried out - “informers” provocateurs. Every day more and more new arrest lists were formed. And Georgy and Alexandra, not expecting the danger looming over them, treasured every day of their meetings and dates.

Alexandra Mikhailovna Osorgina left the island on October 13, and already on October 14, Georgy was arrested and interrogated. In the Interrogation Protocol, which was conducted by the Head of the Information and Investigation Department of USLON, P.I. Feonov. in the section “On the merits of the matter”, according to Osorgin, it is written: “About July of this year, in the Kremlin dining room, I met with the prisoner Petrashko Stepan Osipovich, who told me that in the very near future a group of prisoners organized in a significant number would be performing in Solovki ,... the goal is to disarm the guards, seize ships and take them abroad... in response to my expressed doubt about the need or simply the impossibility of carrying out such a plan, Petrashko began to prove to me the reality of the plan and he also offered to take part in the organization, to which I did not give an answer . ...at the second meeting with Petrashko on the sports ground, in the physical education instructor’s room, the conclusion. Grabovsky and in his presence, I agreed to participate in the organization and at the same time received an assignment from Petrashko to talk with reliable people known to me in Solovki... I will be entrusted with the role of assistant to the leader of the group, which will have to destroy radio and telephone communications in Solovki" . Osorgin’s testimony included the names Petrashko S.I., Sivers A.A., Akhmed-Bek-Mukhamed-Bek-Ogly, Oleinikov V.V. At the same time, in the protocol from the words of Osorgin G.M. the following information was recorded: “why, on Petrashko’s instructions, I went several times to the telephone switchboard room, inspected the main lines of the control building and walked around the radio stations twice, where I found out that the security ... would not present much difficulty in seizing the radio station, the telephone switchboard of special security did not has absolutely. I conveyed all this to Petrashko. Of the two involved in the organization, I can point to 2 of my comrades - Sivers Alexander Alexandrovich and Akhmed-Bek-Mukhamed-Bek-Ogly...” How plausible these testimonies are and to what extent they correspond to reality - it is unknown how these testimonies were “extracted” during the investigation - one can only guess, but Georgy Osorgin was on the island before his wife’s arrival. Anzer, and from October 1 to October 13 he lived with Alexandra. Therefore, the credibility of his testimony regarding the collection of information is questionable, especially since Oleynikov V.V. was arrested on the basis of the Resolution on September 11, 1929, and Petrashko S.I. was arrested on the basis of the Resolution on September 24, 1929.

G.M. Osorgin was among the last “participants” of this conspiracy to be arrested. On October 15, 1929, the operation was curtailed. As a result, the Final Resolution was drawn up - 16 pages of A3 format text. It featured detailed descriptions all actions of participants in the “conspiracy” obtained during the investigation. At the same time, the Resolution stipulates: “The role in the organization of each of the accused in this case and the degree of guilt is established through one’s own confession and through the testimony of other accused, according to what is stated below.” Georgy Osorgin appears in these materials only in the testimony of two prisoners - Sivers A.A. and Akhmed-Bek-Mukhamed-Bek-Ogly, and in the testimony of Petrashko S.I. and Oleynikova V.V. he is not listed. But the text about Georgy Osorgin himself says: “... pleaded guilty...”.

The resolution ends with the text:

"Based on the foregoing:

I WOULD GUESS: This investigative case No. 747/1 should be submitted to the OGPU Collegium for consideration out of court.”

This document, signed by the head of ISO USLON OGPU Feonov P.I. and the head of the USLON OGPU Nogtev A.P., was sent for approval to Moscow. There it was signed by the Head of the III Division of the Special Department of the OGPU, Eichmans F.I. and a member of the OGPU Board and head of the Special Department at the OGPU G.I. Bokiya. An extract from the minutes of the KOOGPU (judicial) meeting dated October 24, 1929 states:

“HEARD: paragraph 8 Case No. 85245 on charges. prisoners of the Solovetsky concentration camp Sergei Nikolaevich POKROVSKY, Vadim Karlovich CHEKHOVSKY and others among 44 people. according to Article 85/11 of the Criminal Code. DYAGILEV Valentin Pavlovich and others among 7 people. according to 58/12 Art. UK. In total, 51 people are involved in the case. (The case was considered in the decision of the President of the Central Election Commission dated 9/6-27)

DECIDED: ...2) Vadim Karlovich CHEKHOVSKY, 3) Georgy Mikhailovich OSORGIN, 4) Stepan Iosifovich PETRASHKO, ...11) Vasily Vasilyevich OLEINIKOV, ...28) AHMED-BEK-MUKHAMED-BEK-OGLY, ...32) Alexander Alexandrovich SIVERS, ... R a s t r e l i t . ...50) Andrei Ivanovich CHASHKIN, 51) Ivan Ilyich BOGATYR - sentenced to ULTIMATE PUNISHMENT, REPLACED BY IMPRISONMENT IN A CONCENTRATION CAMP, FOR A PERIOD OF TEN YEARS. The case should be archived."

From the very beginning, the entire operation was false, because... The camp administration, through its informants - “snitches”, spread conversations and tried to find out the response and mood to the mass escape of prisoners. Through a network of such informants, false lists of conspirator groups were formed, “supporters” of the escape were identified, “initiators”, “organizers” and “leaders” were created; meetings were made and “plans” and “methods” of escape were developed. With the end of the operation, full responsibility for the verdict fell on representatives of the OGPU Collegium, headed by G.I. Bokiya and F.I. Eichmanns. From the archival documents of Case No. 747/1 it follows that during the investigation more than two hundred people were arrested, 51 were sentenced. The sentence against 36 prisoners sentenced to VMN was carried out on October 29, 1929 in Solovki. In accordance with the same sentence, 15 prisoners received a 10-year increase in the term of imprisonment. Among those shot on the night of October 29 was Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin.

Oleg Volkov in his book “Plunge into Darkness” described his condition this way when he arrived for his second term of imprisonment in Solovki and learned about these events:

“...On one of the pre-winter days, I, along with a large party, was dressed up to dig graves. For several days in a row we dug huge holes near the southern wall of the monastery... One of the carters, with whom I shared a pinch of makhorka, pointed out to me a large earthen embankment rising not far away, right under the fence: under it were the remains of prisoners killed here in October twenty ninth year...

So for the first time I heard confirmation of vague rumors about mass executions on Solovki. Information about them leaked abroad; the relatives and friends of the victims guessed from the suddenly interrupted correspondence. But they didn’t know it widely throughout the country. And even if they had known, this massacre, with all its inhumanity, could not have made much of an impression in those years: executions were taking place everywhere, newspaper reports “the sentence was carried out” had become familiar... This news shocked me. It was scary to find out that There is no more George, our mutual friends - everyone I hoped to meet here. Three steps away from me, lumps of grass-covered earth lay loosely - at this place, volunteer executioners pushed the shot people into a hastily dug trench, went on a rampage, finishing off the wounded... Only many years later I learned reliable details of the death of Osorgin, Sivers, other acquaintances, hundreds of Solovetsky prisoners. ... They didn’t die - but were killed, executed. Exterminated.”

Dmitry Sergeevich Likhachev, who survived these events while imprisoned on Solovki, in his memoirs puts forward a fairly plausible version of the arrest and death of Georgy Osorgin, as one of the “conspirators”: “... the initiative to arrest Georgy Mikhailovich belonged to the island authorities - they were the ones who hated him, their I was irritated by independence, cheerfulness, unbrokenness.”

Only a year later, at the end of 1930, the Osorgin family learned from E.P. Peshkova about the death of George. “The funeral service was held for Osorgin G.M. in the Moscow Church of the Icon of Our Lady of Rzhev (which was demolished shortly after). Lina and the Osorgins stood with stone faces. The service was conducted by the widely respected priest Mikhail Shik.” It was at this time, having learned about the death of her husband, Alexandra Mikhailovna wrote in a letter to her second cousin: “...Having learned the whole truth from Peshkova, then I told her that I was asking for help for us to go (abroad) so that the children would not become pioneers...” . In 1931, at the request of E.P. Peshkova, the Osorgin family was able to leave for France. The Osorgins - Mikhail Mikhailovich and his wife Lisa, his daughters Tonya, Maria, Ulyana with five children, Georgy's wife Alexandra Mikhailovna with two children - settled in the villa of the Trubetskoys and Khreptovich-Butenevs in Clamart (suburbs of Paris).

Only in 1989, on August 16, the Presidium of the Arkhangelsk Regional Court, having considered Case No. 4-49c in the presence of the regional prosecutor, issued a Resolution:

“...The Presidium established:

By the resolution of the OGPU board of October 24, 1929, 51 prisoners of the Solovetsky special purpose camps were convicted, of which 44 people were convicted under Article 58-11 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and 7 people were convicted under Article 58-12 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR; including those sentenced to death...

...The foregoing indicates that the charges against all persons repressed in the case were brought unfoundedly, in the absence of signs of a crime in their actions. Based on the above, guided by Article 378 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the RSFSR, the Presidium of the Arkhangelsk Regional Court

DECIDED:

Sergei Nikodimovich Pokrovsky, Vadim Karlovich Chekhovsky, Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin, Petrashko... and the case will be terminated due to the lack of corpus delicti in their actions.”

The Decree of August 16, 1989 is the legally fundamental document for the rehabilitation of all those who were arrested, convicted and repressed in 1929 on the basis of Case No. 747/1. Those who officially appeared in the Final Resolution and were sentenced by the OGPU Collegium were rehabilitated. Rehabilitated by one list are both those who innocently suffered as a particularly dangerous and counter-revolutionary element, and those whose hands carried out this operation - provocateurs and “informers.” The events of those years will remain largely unknown to us, and rehabilitation will never affect those who were repressed during this operation, but were not included in the latest documents of the case, but were “written off” as mortality from the typhoid epidemic that flared up in the fall of 1929.

Georgy Mikhailovich Osorgin is an ambiguous and somewhat contradictory personality. He combined deep religiosity and boyish obstinacy, military officer's courage and dedication, spirituality and childish naivety, enormous capacity for work despite poor health and great inner strength of spirit. Georgy Osorgin was a prominent representative of the nobility and officers of that era, which was torn to pieces, trampled and destroyed by Bolshevism, but will remain forever in the memory of posterity.

Bochkareva O.V. Osorgin Georgy Mikhailovich. SolovkiEncyclopedia. www.site. 06/23/2017.

1. Central Election Commission of the FSB of the Russian Federation. D. 40940, l. 44, 44 rev.
2. Right there. L. 36
3. Right there. L. 52
4. Right there. L. 144
5. Right there. L. 180
6. Right there. L. 177, 177 vol.
7. Right there. L. 186
8. Schmeman S. Echo native land. M. 2005. Pp. 244
9. Right there. Page 244.
10. Right there. Page 242.
11. Central Election Commission of the FSB of the Russian Federation. D. 41011, l.4, 4v.
12. Schmeman S. Echo of the native land. M. 2005. Pp. 245
13. Central Election Commission of the FSB of the Russian Federation. D. 41011, l.10, 10v.
14. Right there. L. 5 rev.
15. Right there. L. 10, 10ob.
16. Right there. L. 18, 18ob., 19, 19ob.
17. Right there. L.20, 21ob
18. Right there. L. 71ob.
19. Right there. L. 73 rev.
20. Right there. L. 74
21. Right there. L. 74ob.
22. Right there. L. 78a, 81
23. Right there. L. 96
24. Right there. L. 19, 20, 22
25. Volkov O.V. Plunge into darkness. M. 2002. Pp. 42, 43
26. Right there. Page 56
27. Schmeman S. Echo of the native land. M. 2005. Pp. 247, 248, 250
28. Volkov O.V. Plunge into darkness. M. 2002. Pp. 56
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33. Central Election Commission of the FSB of the Russian Federation. D. 41011, l. 24
34. Likhachev D.S. Memories. St. Petersburg 1995. Pp. 261
35. Right there. Page 262
36. Right there. Page 226
37. Schmeman S. Echo of the native land. M. 2005. Pp. 253
38. RU FSB JSC. D. 747/1, l. 9
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41. Schmeman S. Echo of the native land. M. 2005. Pp. 253
42. RU FSB JSC. D. 747/1, l. 158, 158rpm, 159, 159rpm
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51. Volkov O.V. Plunge into darkness. M. 2002. pp. 180-181
52. Likhachev D.S. Memories. St. Petersburg 1995. Pp. 262
53. Schmeman S. Echo of the native land. M. 2005. Pp. 255, 256
54. Right there. Page 256
55. RU FSB JSC. D. 747/1, l.495, 500, 503

OSORGIN MIKHAIL ANDREEVICH (real name Ilyin) (1878, Perm - November 27, 1942, Chabris, France) - Russian writer, journalist, public figure.
Literary fame came to him with the release of his first novel “Sivtsev Vrazhek” in 1928. Before that, he worked in newspapers and magazines, the result of which was the fame of one of the largest Russian journalists. It is no coincidence that main feature The writer's literary style is considered to be a close interaction between journalism and fiction. Osorgin was convinced of the social responsibility of literary creativity; all his life he was faithful to the humanistic principles that developed in classical Russian culture of the 19th century. Not only journalistic, but actually literary works Osorgin has always been distinguished by a close connection with the “sore issues” of the time and an open author's position. At the same time, having suffered from a passion for politics in his youth, the mature Osorgin emphasized his independence from any political or cultural doctrines.
A contemporary of the Silver Age, Osorgin avoided its modernist extremes. As if, despite the complexity of symbolist language, he remained a supporter of classical clarity literary word. Osorgin directly called L. Tolstoy and S. Aksakov his teachers, and “quoted” N. Gogol and A. Chekhov with pleasure. Following the traditions of Russian classics sometimes seems too straightforward. Osorgin deliberately populates the modernity of his novels with recognizable characters, as if testing their strength in the conditions of a globally changed Russian reality. Osorgin belongs to the generation of writers who ended the era of Russian classical literature and realized this fact.
Osorgin was born in Perm, in the family of provincial judge A.F. Ilyin, a liberal and participant in the judicial reform of Alexander II. The family loved music and literature; Osorgin's older brother Sergei Ilyin was a famous journalist and poet in the city. The early death of his father had a dramatic impact on the life of the Ilins. To help his mother, fourteen-year-old Mikhail tutored younger students at his gymnasium and began working part-time in newspapers. At this time, Osorgin’s first literary debut took place - the story “Father” was published in the capital’s “Magazine for Everyone” (No. 5, 1896). In 1897 he entered the Faculty of Law of Moscow University, from which he graduated in 1902. All these years Osorgin collaborated with the PGV: he sent Moscow correspondence, and in the summer, during the traditional Perm holidays, he prepared materials on local topics. I tried myself in different genres: correspondence, reviews, essays, stories. The most noticeable among them is the series of publications “Moscow Letters”, in which the sketchy writing style characteristic of the future writer, with an expressive lyric-ironic intonation, began to take shape.
“Moscow Letters” captured the young journalist’s vivid involvement in the literary life of Moscow in those years. Osorgin reviews new books, writes reports on the most interesting meetings of the famous Moscow Literary and Artistic Circle, in particular, on the heated debates around the Symbolists. From a reporter's passion for literary news and scandals, Osorgin comes to realize his own literary position, which is based on the principles of democracy and realism. It is symptomatic that Osorgin ends his letters about the literary and artistic life of the capital with the essay “Korolenko”.
After graduating from university, he worked as a lawyer, however, by his own admission, “he was more occupied with the revolution.” In 1904 he joined the Socialist Revolutionary Party. He did not take part in military operations, but meetings were held in his apartment, weapons and illegal literature were stored. His first marriage was also revolutionary: in 1903 he married the daughter of the famous Narodnaya Volya member A.K. Malikov. In 1905, he was arrested and sent to Taganskaya prison due to the coincidence of surnames with one of the organizers of the Moscow uprising. The mistake was discovered, Osorgin was released on bail, but, fearing new persecution, he fled abroad. The events of these post-revolutionary years will be reflected in the autobiographical dilogy “Witness to History” (1932) and “The Book of Ends” (1935).
From 1906 to 1917 lived in France and Italy. During this time, Osorgin’s socio-political views underwent serious changes; from a “left” Socialist Revolutionary, he became an opponent of any political violence. In 1914 in Italy, Osorgin was initiated into Freemasonry. During the Italian emigration, the choice of life field is finally determined. Since 1908, he became a permanent correspondent for Russian Vedomosti and one of the most famous journalists in Russia. In 1907, the literary pseudonym Osorgin appeared (after the maiden name of an Ufa grandmother). Publications from this period were included in the books “Essays on Modern Italy” (1913) and “Fairy Tales and Non-Fairy Tales” (1918). He was keenly interested in modern Italian culture, which became the birthplace of European futurism (articles about the work of G. D. Annunzio, A. Fogazzaro, G. Pascali, etc.) He developed a specific genre of fictionalized essay.
In 1916, Osorgin came to Moscow semi-legally, and then, as a special correspondent for Russian Vedomosti, went on a large business trip to the Russian outback (the cycles “Around the Motherland”, 1916 and “Along the Quiet Front”, 1917). He also visited Perm, where the opening of the university took place in September 1916.
He accepted the February revolution with enthusiasm, which by October grew into an awareness of the disastrous nature of the impending changes. Nevertheless, he was actively involved in social literary work. He was one of the initiators and the first chairman of the Union of Russian Journalists. As vice-president, he took part in the creation of the Writers' Union, and was also the creator of the famous Writers' Book Shop. In 1921, for participating in the work of the Volga Region Famine Relief Society, he was exiled to Kazan, where he edited the Literaturnaya Gazeta. In 1922, together with others, Osorgin was expelled from Russia on the famous “philosophical ship” (essay “How they left us. Yubileiny”, 1932). He did not consider himself an emigrant; he retained his Soviet passport until 1937. From 1923 he lived permanently in France. Here he married a distant relative of M.A. Bakunin, Tatyana Alekseevna Bakunina, with whom he lived until the end of his days and who was both his wife, his muse, and his first critic. Having outlived O. by more than half a century, T. A. Bakunina-Osorgina devoted herself to preserving and studying her husband’s work, preparing for publication the fundamental “Bibliography of M. A Osorgin.”
In exile, O. lived by literary work. He was a regular contributor to the largest emigrant publications - the newspapers "Last News" and "Modern Notes". Here, in particular, memoir essays about M. Osorgin’s Perm childhood were published, which, according to critics, became one of the best works of the writer. Based on these publications, the books The Tale of a Sister (separate edition 1931; first published in 1930 in the journal “Modern Notes”), Human Things (1929), Miracle on the Lake (1931) were compiled. They created a surprisingly cozy, bright image of childhood and, illuminated by these childhood, fairy-tale memories, the image of a small homeland, which in the distant emigrant Osorgin became a stronghold of the main values ​​of life.
O. paid a lot of attention to the problem of preserving and developing his native literary language. In search of its renewal, he turns to the sources - folk dialect and Russian history. A cycle of magnificent “old stories” appears (part of it was included in the collection The Tale of a Certain Maiden, 1938) with a surprisingly lively stylization of the ancient folk dialect of the 17-18 centuries. The history of Russia in those years appears in Osorgin’s stories as a history of violence and suppression of the common man, as a history of spontaneous resistance and the hardening of the Russian spirit. The rather harsh and ugly events of serf life are presented by Osorgin in a deliberately non-judgmental, descriptive style. folk story, nevertheless producing a strong emotional effect.
Osorgin's debut as a novelist was unexpected and noisy. The novel “Sivtsev the Enemies” was started by Osorgin back in 1918, and only in 1928 did it see the light in its entirety. The novel went through two editions in a row and was translated into several languages ​​at once, which was very rare in the conditions of Russian emigration. Its success was largely due to the lively relevance of the themes raised by the writer. It is dedicated to the events of the last Russian revolution and reflections on the fate of the Russian intelligentsia and Russian culture at the turn of the era. In the center of the narrative, built on the principle of a journalistic combination of chapter-short stories, is the life of a Moscow ornithologist professor and his granddaughter, representing “the typical existence of the beautiful-hearted Russian intelligentsia” (O. Yu. Avdeeva). Osorgin contrasts the bloody logic of the Bolshevik revolution with the values ​​of non-social humanism and the natural harmony lost by humanity - therefore, the novel constantly draws parallels between the human world and the natural world. The novel was reproached for being biased and clearly following the “Tolstyan tradition.” However, this did not hinder his success as a reader. The novel read like a book about old Moscow and real heroes; it was distinguished by a sharp nostalgic tone, textured details and intense journalistic pathos.
Osorgin's subsequent novels also addressed the events national history her last fatal years. The dilogy Witness to History (1932) and The Book of Ends (1935) is dedicated to the outcome of Russian revolutionary terrorism. The novels are held together by a cross-cutting character from Osorgin’s Perm past. He became a strange man, pop, a man of the people who is curious about everything, Yakov Kampinsky (Yakov Shestakov). Not devoid of the features of an adventure narrative, the novels still did not have much reader resonance, remaining too quickly evidence of the turbulent events of Russian history, which did not receive convincing psychological elaboration and a bright artistic solution. In this regard, the novel “Freemason” (1937), which addresses the topic of Freemasonry, which captivated many Russian emigrants, turned out to be more successful. The novel uses the stylistics of cinema and newspaper genres (documentary inserts, event intensity, headlines).
In 1940, the writer moved from Paris to the south of France; in 1940 - 1942 he published in the New Russian Word (New York) correspondence “Letters from France” and “Letters about Insignificant Things,” which were published in 1952 as a separate book and became the writer’s final manifesto. Faced with the threat of new and most terrible violence, which the fascist dictatorship embodied, O. defended humanism, which protects a specific person and his personal freedom.
Final and, as many literary scholars admit, best work M. Osorgin began his memoirs (Childhood and Youth), begun in 1938. They were published as a separate book under the general title “Times” in 1955 with a foreword by M. Aldanov. Researchers call the book a “novel of the soul,” a guide to the milestones of the spiritual development of a writer who, according to Osorgin himself, belonged to the class of “miscalculated dreamers,” “Russian intelligent eccentrics.” For Perm, “Times” have a special meaning. The city is reflected in them as a whole, complete artistic image, in which the motifs of childhood and life-giving natural force, personified in the images of the forest and the Kama, converged. O. G. Lasunsky called M. Osorgin Kama’s godson, meaning the deep lyrical and philosophical significance of the theme of the small homeland in the creative destiny of the writer. Perm and Kama became one of central characters in the artistic space of M. Osorgin. They embodied the writer’s favorite theme of the Russian province and the accentuated lyricism characteristic of his style, colored by the deepest nostalgia: for Russia and his family nest, for his native nature and the great language, not consumed by the moths of Soviet Newspeak.
Osorgin died in Chabri on November 27, 1942, and was buried in the local cemetery.

Op.:
Osorgin M. A. Memoir prose. Perm: Book. publishing house, 1992. 286 p.
Osorgin, Mikhail. Time. Ekaterinburg, Central Ural book publishing house. 1992.
Osorgin, M. Collected works in 4 volumes. Moscow, Intelvac Publishing House, 1999 - 2001.
Osorgin, M. Moscow letters. Perm, 2003.
Osorgin, M.A. Memoir prose: 2nd edition. Perm: Teacher's House, 2006.
Lit.: Mikhail Osorgin: pages of life and creativity. Proceedings of the scientific conference “The First Osorgin Readings. November 23-24, 1993 Perm: Perm Publishing House. Univ. 1994.
Mikhail Osorgin: artist and journalist. Materials of the second Osorgin readings. Perm/Perm State University, 2006.
Avdeeva O. Yu. M. A. Osorgin. Bibliographical article.

Osorgin (Ilyin) Mikhail Andreevich (10/07/1878, Perm - 11/27/1942, France)
Born in Perm into the family of a hereditary nobleman A.F. Ilyin. The father, an educated and liberal-minded man, served in the district court. Mother was an intelligent woman who spoke languages. She devoted herself to raising children.
In Perm, Mikhail Ilyin graduated from high school. Like his older brother Sergei, he began writing and publishing during his high school years. Then he entered Moscow University at the Faculty of Law. He came to Perm for holidays and vacations, lived here while the university was closed due to student unrest, and at that time wrote for Perm. newspapers. After graduating from university, he came to Perm twice more; for the second time, in 1916, already as a correspondent for Russian Vedomosti. More in native land he did not visit, he only wrote about it with sincere love.
On life path There was a lot more to the writer: a passion for revolutionary ideas, a short prison sentence, a secret border crossing, the first emigration. The writer lives in Italy and travels to the Balkans. The First World War begins. Through Paris, London, Oslo, Stockholm he returns to Russia.
Osorgin accepted February 1917, but did not accept the October revolution. But for now he works, becomes one of the organizers of the All-Russian Union of Writers, chairman of the All-Russian Union of Journalists, and, together with other writers, establishes a cooperative bookstore, where they themselves sell books. The famous production of director E. B. Vakhtangov - “Princess Turandot”, which did not leave the theater stage for many years, could not do without the participation of the writer: it was he who translated the fairy tale by Carlo Gozzi from Italian.
Then, in Osorgin’s fate, a heroic deed and a tragic outcome occur simultaneously. During the famine of 1921, the Famine Relief Commission was created in the country. Osorgin was a member of this commission. Pomgol managed to do a lot, and for this almost all of his members were arrested. They were saved from execution by the intercession of Fridtjof Nansen. Osorgin was exiled... And then, in 1922, on the famous “philosophical ship”, among a large group of scientific and creative intelligentsia he was expelled from his native country.
Twenty years of forced emigration. The writer is working. The novel “Sivtsev the Enemy” (1928) is dedicated to the events of the revolutionary years. Then came out “The Tale of a Sister” (1931), the duology “Witness of History” (1932), “The Book of Ends” (1935), the story “Freemason” (1937), the books “The Tale of a Certain Maiden”, “Incidents of the Green World” "(1938). Essays, memoirs and the novel “Times” were created in these same years, and many pages of these works are dedicated to Perm. edge.
All these works, written in beautiful Russian, in the style of a master, were published abroad. They returned to their homeland only at the end of the 20th century. But the writer himself never returned - he was buried in the town of Chabris on the Cher River in France.

Biography

OSORGIN, MIKHAIL ANDREEVICH (real name Ilyin) (1878−1942), Russian prose writer, journalist. Born on October 7 (19), 1878 in Perm in a family of hereditary pillar nobles, direct descendants of Rurik. He began publishing during his high school years, in 1895 (including the story Father, 1896). In 1897 he entered the Faculty of Law of Moscow University, from where in 1899 he was exiled to Perm under the secret supervision of the police for participating in student unrest. In 1900 he was reinstated at the university (he graduated from the course in 1902), and during his studies he wrote the column “Moscow Letters” (“Diary of a Muscovite”) in the newspaper “Perm Provincial Gazette”. Confidential intonation, soft and wise irony, combined with keen observation, mark Osorgin’s subsequent stories in the genre of “physiological essay” (On an inclined plane. From student life, 1898; Prison Car, 1899), romantic “fantasy” (Two Moments. New Year’s Fantasy , 1898) and humorous sketches (Letter from a son to his mother, 1901). He was engaged in advocacy, and together with K. A. Kovalsky, A. S. Butkevich and others, he founded the publishing house “Life and Truth” in Moscow, which published popular literature. Here in 1904 Osorgin's brochures Japan, Russian military leaders in the Far East (biographies of E.I. Alekseev, A.N. Kuropatkin, S.O. Makarov, etc.), Remuneration of workers for accidents were published. Law June 2, 1903.

In 1903, the writer married the daughter of the famous Narodnaya Volya member A.K. Malikov (memoir essay by Osorgin Meetings. A.K. Malikov and V.G. Korolenko, 1933). In 1904 he joined the Socialist Revolutionary Party (he was close to its “left” wing), in whose underground newspaper in 1905 he published an article For What?, justifying terrorism as a “struggle for the good of the people.” In 1905, during the Moscow armed uprising, he was arrested and almost executed due to the coincidence of surnames with one of the leaders of the military squads. Sentenced to exile, in May 1906 temporarily released on bail. His stay in Tagansk prison was reflected in Pictures of Prison Life. From the diary of 1906, 1907; participation in the Socialist Revolutionary movement - in the essays of Nikolai Ivanovich, 1923, where, in particular, V.I. Lenin’s participation in the dispute at Osorgin’s apartment was mentioned; Wreath of memory of small ones, 1924; Nine hundred and fifth year. For the anniversary, 1930; as well as in the story The Terrorist, 1929, and the documentary-based dilogy Witness to History, 1932, and The Book of Ends, 1935.

Already in 1906, Osorgin wrote that “it is difficult to distinguish a revolutionary from a hooligan,” and in 1907 he illegally left for Italy, from where he sent correspondence to the Russian press (some of it was included in the book Sketches of Modern Italy, 1913), stories, poems and children’s fairy tales , some of which were included in the book. Fairy tales and non-fairy tales (1918). Since 1908, he has been constantly collaborating with the newspaper "Russian Vedomosti" and the magazine "Bulletin of Europe", where he published the stories The Emigrant (1910), My Daughter (1911), Ghosts (1913), etc. Around 1914 he joined the Masonic fraternity of the Grand Lodge of Italy. In those same years, having studied the Italian language, he closely followed the news of Italian culture (articles about the work of G. D. Annunzio, A. Fogazzaro, G. Pascali, etc., about the “destroyers of culture” - Italian futurists in literature and painting), became the largest specialist on Italy and one of the most prominent Russian journalists, developed a specific genre of fictionalized essays, from the late 1910s, often permeated with lyrical irony characteristic of the writer’s style. In July 1916, he returned to Russia semi-legally. In August, in “Russian Vedomosti” there was his article Smoke of the Fatherland was published, which aroused the anger of the “patriots” with such maxims: “... I really want to take Russian man by the shoulders... shake and add: “And you’re so good at sleeping, even with a gun on!” Continuing to work as a traveling correspondent, he published a series of essays on the Motherland (1916) and on the quiet front (1917).

The February Revolution was received at first enthusiastically, then warily; in the spring of 1917 in Art. An old proclamation warned about the danger of Bolshevism and the “new autocrat” - Vladimir, published a series of fictionalized essays about “a man of the people” - “Annushka”, published brochures Fighters for Freedom (1917, about Narodnaya Volya), About the current war and about eternal peace" ( 2nd ed., 1917), in which he advocated war to the bitter end, Security Department and its secrets (1917). After the October Revolution, he spoke out against the Bolsheviks in opposition newspapers, called for a general political strike, and in 1918 in Art. The Day of Tribulation predicted the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks. The strengthening of Bolshevik power prompted Osorgin to encourage the intelligentsia to engage in creative work; he himself became one of the organizers and first chairman of the Union of Journalists, vice-chairman of the Moscow branch of the All-Russian Union of Writers (together with M. O. Gershenzon he prepared the charter of the union), as well as the creator of the famous Bookstore writers, which has become one of the important centers of communication between writers and readers and a kind of autographic (“handwritten”) publishing house. He took an active part in the work of the Moscow circle “Studio Italiana”.

In 1919 he was arrested and released at the request of the Writers' Union and J. K. Baltrushaitis. In 1921 he worked in the Commission for Famine Relief at the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Pomgol), and was the editor of the bulletin “Help” it published; in August 1921 he was arrested along with some members of the commission; They were saved from the death penalty by the intervention of F. Nansen. He spent the winter of 1921−1922 in Kazan, editing the Literary Gazette, and returned to Moscow. He continued to publish fairy tales for children and short stories, translated (at the request of E.B. Vakhtangov) the play by C. Gozzi Princess Turandot (published 1923), plays by C. Goldoni. In 1918 he made sketches of a large novel about the revolution (the chapter of Monkey Town was published). In the fall of 1922, with a group of opposition-minded representatives of the domestic intelligentsia, he was expelled from the USSR (essay on How They Left Us. Yubileiny, 1932). Longing for his homeland, he retained his Soviet passport until 1937. He lived in Berlin, gave lectures in Italy, and from 1923 - in France, where, after marrying a distant relative of M. A. Bakunin, he entered the most calm and fruitful period of his life.

World fame Osorgin brought the novel Sivtsev Vrazhek, begun in Russia (departmental edition, 1928), where in a freely arranged series of chapter-short stories the calm, measured and spiritually rich life in the ancient center of Moscow of an ornithologist professor and his granddaughter is presented - a typical existence of the beautiful-hearted Russian intelligentsia , which is first shaken by the First World War and then disrupted by the revolution. Osorgin seeks to look at what happened in Russia from the point of view of “abstract”, timeless and even non-social humanism, drawing constant parallels between the human world and the animal world. The statement of a somewhat studentish attraction to the Tolstoyan tradition, reproaches for the “dampness”, insufficient organization of the narrative, not to mention its obvious tendentiousness, did not prevent the enormous reading success of Sivtsev Vrazhek. The clarity and purity of writing, the intensity of lyrical and philosophical thought, the bright nostalgic tonality dictated by the enduring and keen love for one’s fatherland, the liveliness and accuracy of everyday life, resurrecting the flavor of the Moscow past, the charm of the main characters - bearers of unconditional moral values ​​- give Osorgin’s novel the charm and depth of highly artistic literary evidence of one of the most difficult periods in Russian history. The writer’s creative success was also The Tale of a Sister (departmental edition 1931; first published 1930 in the magazine “Modern Notes”, like many other emigrant works of Osorgin), inspired by warm memories of the writer’s family and creating a “Chekhovian” image of a pure and whole heroines; a book of memoirs dedicated to the memory of parents, Things of Man (1929), collection. Miracle on the Lake (1931). The wise simplicity, sincerity, and unobtrusive humor characteristic of Osorgin’s manner were also evident in his “old stories” (part of them was included in the collection The Tale of a Certain Maiden, 1838). Possessing excellent literary taste, Osorgin successfully acted as a literary critic.

A notable series of novels based on autobiographical material is Witness to History (1932), The Book of Ends (1935) and Freemason (1937). The first two provide an artistic understanding of the revolutionary sentiments and events in Russia at the beginning of the century, not without the features of an adventure narrative and leading to the idea of ​​the dead end of the sacrificial idealistic path of the maximalists, and in the third - the lives of Russian emigrants who associated themselves with Freemasonry, one of the active Osorgin has been a member of the group since the early 1930s. Critics noted the artistic innovation of the Freemason, the use of cinematic stylistics (partly akin to the poetics of European expressionism) and newspaper genres (information inclusions, factual richness, sensational slogan “caps”, etc.).

Osorgin’s pantheism, clearly manifested in Sivtsev’s novel Vrazhek, found expression in the cycle of lyrical essays Incidents of the Green World (1938; originally published in Latest News under the signature “Everyman”), where close attention to all life on earth is combined with a protest against the offensive technotronic civilization . In line with the same “protective” perception, a cycle was created dedicated to the world of things - the writer’s rich collection of Russian editions of Notes of an Old Bookeater (1928−1937), where the prose writer’s unmistakable ear for the Russian word was expressed in archaic, precise, correct and colorful speech .

Shortly before the war, Osorgin began work on his memoirs (Childhood and Youth, both 1938; Times - published 1955). In 1940, the writer moved from Paris to the south of France; in 1940-1942 he published correspondence from Letters from France in the New Russian Word (New York). Pessimism, awareness of the meaninglessness of not only physical, but also spiritual resistance to evil are reflected in the books In a Quiet Place in France (published in 1946) and Letters about the Insignificant (published in 1952).

Osorgin (real name Ilyin) was born on October 7 (19), 1878 in Perm into a noble hereditary family, whose roots come from Rurik. While studying at the gymnasium, he began publishing his first works.

In 1897, he began studying at the Faculty of Law at Moscow University; two years later, for supporting student protests, he was sent home under the informal supervision of the police. In 1900 he was able to return to university studies and complete his education in 1902. During his student years, he wrote a column called “Moscow Letters” (“Diary of a Muscovite”) in the newspaper “Perm Provincial Gazette”.

He worked as a lawyer, and in Moscow, together with K. Kovalsky and A. Butkevich, opened the publishing house “Life and Truth,” which published popular literature. Here Osorgin in 1904 issued brochures “Japan”, “Russian military leaders in the Far East”, which presented biographies of E. Alekseev, A. Kuropatkin, S. Makarov and others, as well as “Remuneration of workers for accidents. Law of June 2, 1903."

In 1903 he married the daughter of A. Malikov, a famous Narodnaya Volya member. A year later he became a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. Published an article “For what?” in an underground publication. (1905), in which he advocated terrorism. In the same year, an armed uprising was raised in Moscow, for participation in which he was arrested and was close to execution, finding himself sharing the same name as one of the protest leaders. While in Tagansk prison, he writes “Pictures of Prison Life.”

Osorgin is sentenced to exile, but in the late spring of 1906 he is released on bail and leaves for Italy. While abroad, he continues to publish his poems, stories and children's fairy tales in the Russian press. Since 1908, it has been constantly published in the magazine “Bulletin of Europe” and the newspaper “Russian Vedomosti”. Around 1914 he became a member of the Masonic fraternity of the Grand Lodge in Italy. Two years later I was able to come home semi-legally. He worked as a traveling journalist and organized performances with his essays “Around the Motherland” (1916) and “Along the Quiet Front” (1917).

In 1919 he was arrested again, but was released with the help of the Writers' Union. In 1921, he worked at the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the Commission for Famine Relief and in the editorial office of the “Help” bulletin. Osorgina was arrested for the third time at the end of the summer of 1921 and sent into exile in Kazan, where he edited the Literary Gazette. A year later he returned to Moscow, but was again expelled from the USSR.